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Digitization, the global networking of individuals and organizations, and the transition from an industrial to an information society are key reasons for the importance of digital government. In particular, the enormous influence of the Internet as a global networking and communication system affects the performance of public services. This textbook introduces the concept of digital government as well as digital management and provides helpful insights and strategic advice for the successful implementation and maintenance of digital government systems.

Purely non-cooperative principles, as iterated dominance and backward induction, explain divided government.

Purely non-cooperative principles, as iterated dominance and backward induction, explain divided government.

This research work is based on intensive qualitative analysis towards the development of an e-Government platform for Nigeria a developing country in the West Africa sub-region. The case studies were carried out in some developed and developing countries that are useful and relevant to Nigeria e-Government. Having carefully reviewed the case studies, I observed that South Korea, United Kingdom and United States of America are using e-Government facilities to a considerable extent. Other countries such as China, Malaysia, Australia, India, and Ireland are still developing. The aim is to develop e-Government models for Nigeria by examining existing models used in Western countries and analysing those models which will help to solve some security issues, prevent corruption and save cost. This research led to the development of six e-Government models which led to the final Proposed Unified Nigeria e-Government Framework (see chapter 8, Figure 8.7) below. This Framework is to enhance the implementation and the adoption of e-Government at all levels.

In article the models of "electronic government" in the world are analysed, 4 main models of "electronic government" exist : continental model; Anglo-American model which reflects specific features of becoming of electronic government in USA and Great Britain; Asian model; Russian model. Each of these models has its feature. Continental model of electronic government is characterised by presence of above-state institutes (European Parliament, European Comission, European court), recommendations of which are compulsory for execution by all countries of EU. Anglo-American model of electronic government is advanced in USA, Canada and Great Britain. In USA the main accent is made to universal service of citizens and supplying by their information. Asian model of electronic government relies to specific control style. The author, considering the models of "electronic government" in the world, notes that a few approaches to classification of the models "e-Government" in modern period exist. But neither of these approaches is not confirmed official international units, UN or his structures, i.e. are not customary. Taking into account that in CIS states intensively "electronic government", particularly intensively develops, in Byelarus, Kazakstan, Russia, Uzbekistan. The author believes that it will be right to date, if to allocate the main three models "e-Government: Western, Eastern and CIS countries.

Governments across the country have embarked on performance‐based government efforts. Typical goals of these efforts are to clarify the mission and priority objectives of government with an emphasis on the expected results, to develop mechanisms for monitoring and reporting the achievement of those objectives, and to use this information to make decisions about government activities, including making government more accountable Although many governments have reported success in establishing their performance‐based programs, we found ourselves wondering whether any of these programs are showing signs that they can be sustained over time. Are performance‐based reports or budgets being used by managers and policy makers? Are the performance programs maintained after implementation? If so, what are the factors critical to success?To answer these questions, we reviewed performance‐based government efforts in progress throughout the country with a focus on the initiatives of five states.1 This discussion begins by describing the efforts in those five states: the stated need, the approach, and the results to date. We then discuss the elements of success and the lessons learned from these performance‐based government pioneers.

As one of the primary engines of economic development, local governments are in a position to enhance employment opportunities for low income and minority workers by implementing policies to promote equity, diversity, and inclusion in the local workforce. This brief reviews the policy tools and strategies available to municipal governments for targeted workforce development. Based on a survey of policies in Seattle, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Cleveland, the brief shows types of policies local government agencies can implement to recruit, train, and provide employment opportunities for workers from disadvantage populations in local communities. The brief concludes policies that include members from the community in the developmental process and emphasize collaboration with civic organizations are more effective for promoting diversity, equity, and inclusivity in the local workforce.

Responsible party government theory requires that voters hold parties electorally accountable for their performance in control of government. Existing literature suggests that voters do this only to a limited extent—holding the presidential party's candidates responsible for government performance on Election Day. While this method of voting may hold the executive accountable for his performance, it is not really an effective way to hold the party in control of Congress accountable for its performance. The method falls short particularly when Congress is controlled by a different party than the president, but also whenever a Congress controlled by the same party pursues policies different from the president's. Using surveys of voters leaving the polls in the 1990, 1994, and 1998 midterm congressional elections, this study tests whether voters' evaluations of Congress's job performance also affect their support for majority party candidates in House and Senate elections, during both unified and divided government.